Communities first

“There can be no peace without justice. For the future I am worried, as elders we are trying our best to promote peace, but no one is listening to us anymore.” Traditional Judge Chief Pasquale Udo Maktab in his office. Now 85 years old, in an independent South Sudan, the Chief has lived in Wau since his birth, during British rule. He presides over the fartit, a court for non-Dinka ethnic groups, once a week, seeing roughly 10 to 15 cases each time. Across South Sudan customary courts operate alongside statutory courts, often dealing with what are classed as ‘social’ issues like marital disputes, elopement and domestic violence. In reality, however, the remit of traditional courts and their relationship to the formal legal system is often very unclear. Jebel Kheir, Wau, Western Bahr el Ghazal State. Photo: Marcus Perkins

Women wait for their cases to be heard outside a traditional court. Inside a man is ordered to pay a small fine to his wife for repeatedly beating her, with the threat of criminal conviction if he continues. The judge at this court estimates that over 85% of the cases that he sees relate to domestic violence, which is often not seen as a criminal justice issue unless it results in serious bodily injury or death. Jebel Kheir, Wau, Western Bahr el Ghazal State. Photo: Marcus Perkins

“If we had a chance, we would be in school. Communities need to understand that we are forced to become gang members because of our situation. We are now a target, someone will see us hanging out together, and they call the police.” Nancy, 19, and Regina, 20, are female ‘gang’ members; both have small children. Local communities often stereotype ‘gangs’ – predominately made up of young men, but with a few female mmembers – as the cause of increased criminality, including rape, theft, prostitution, alcohol and drug abuse, and harassment. After decades of civil war, young people have very limited livelihood opportunities in communities. Economic development and the education system have been severely disrupted, and much of the investment since independence in 2011 has been focused on the capital, Juba. Nazareth, Wau, Western Bahr el Ghazal State. Photo: Marcus Perkins

outh Sudanese who returned from Khartoum for the referendum and subsequent independence in 2011 have faced a long journey of reintegration to their native homeland – sometimes after decades away. Atoch Atem Adeny, a community security working group member, returned to Kuajok in 2011 to find few employment opportunities existed. While she stresses now that relationships between returnees like her and the host community have improved, work is still scarce, and this can be a source of increased tension. She has started selling the family’s furniture to make ends meet. Mayen Gumel, Kuajok, Warrap State. Photo: Marcus Perkins

Fearing the attention of the authorities if they meet in groups of more than two or three, members of the Aweil Jedid ‘gang’ asked to have their photograph taken in isolated scrubland outside of Wau town centre. Mixing local cultural traditions with an interest in Western style and music, the boys often find themselves ostracised by communities and demonised by local authorities and the police. With limited opportunities for education and employment, young people are at risk from recruitment by militarised groups and turning to crime, but they can also be vulnerable to stigmatisation. Wau, Western Bahr el Ghazal State. Photo: Marcus Perkins

Street children do their weekly washing at a local charity. Every night, travelling in groups for safety, they carry their belongings in sacks and walk to the local football stadium to sleep. They move on before dawn to avoid harassment from the authorities. While girls have an inherent value to their family networks because of the ‘bride price’ they command, boys who are orphaned or whose parents are unable to care for them more frequently end up living in poverty on the streets. An absence of facilities to support the boys leaves them vulnerable to abuse and criminality. Don Bosco Catholic Relief Centre, Kuajok dit, Warrap State Photo: Marcus Perkins

Social time as girls and boys collect water at dusk in Kuajok. With few functioning boreholes in Warrap, pressure on the ones that work can be intense. Disagreements escalate quickly and violence is not uncommon as families and communities step in to defend their side. Out of seven boreholes built in the area in 2011, this is the only one that still works. NGOs have been instructed to wait for the new government water system. With new borehole drilling on hold, the new system delayed, and existing water points falling into disrepair, an essential daily task has become a trigger for conflict. Kuajok dit, Warrap State. Photo: Marcus Perkins

Raising cattle is central to South Sudanese society. Work on cattle camps starts young, with communities sharing the responsibility of keeping the herd. Boys look after the cattle at the camps while young men, often armed to protect themselves and their cattle, move the cattle to graze during the day. Conflict increases during the dry season as cattle keepers are forced to move in search of grassland and water sources, creating risks of confrontation. Lakatoc Cattle Camp, Tonj North, Warrap State. Photo: Marcus Perkins

A local police officer listens to the agenda at the monthly Police–Community Relations Committee meeting. “The public shouldn’t fear us. We need to build that relationship up so that people will come to the police,” says another officer. New deployments of military and paramilitary forces in and around town during April 2014 have deepened public suspicion of the security forces in Wau. Confidence-building is urgently needed, but will take time. Police Training Centre, Wau, Western Bahr el Ghazal State Photo: Marcus Perkins

Sexual harassment or ‘eve teasing’ of girls on their way to school is a regular occurrence on streets such as this one in Satkhira. The abuse, which includes cat-calling and taking images on mobile phones, impacts on the day-to-day lives of women and girls and has resulted in some girls no longer attending school. Gender-based violence, eve-teasing, dowry-related violence, rape, acid throwing, fatwas and sexual abuse are prominent forms of violence against women and girls in Bangladesh. Women are still vulnerable to security threats and unable to claim their rights. Satkhira. Photo: Tom Martin

A cyclist takes the message to the streets of Satkhira. The area experienced significant political violence in the run-up to and during the January 2014 elections, including road blocks, picketing, vandalism, arson and attacks on minority communities. Despite progress in many areas of development, Bangladesh remains on a knife edge. The election boycott by the Bangladesh Nationalist Party left the country with no credible mainstream opposition. This encouraged anti-government protests and has led to violent repercussions and radicalisation. The country continues to be marred by political stasis, locked in a cycle of systemic political violence, blockades and strikes (hartals). More than 80 people have been killed in political violence this year. Eidgah Point, Taltola, Satkhira. Photo: Tom Martin

A cyclist takes the message to the streets of Satkhira. The area experienced significant political violence in the run-up to and during the January 2014 elections, including road blocks, picketing, vandalism, arson and attacks on minority communities. Despite progress in many areas of development, Bangladesh remains on a knife edge. The election boycott by the Bangladesh Nationalist Party left the country with no credible mainstream opposition. This encouraged anti-government protests and has led to violent repercussions and radicalisation. The country continues to be marred by political stasis, locked in a cycle of systemic political violence, blockades and strikes (hartals). More than 80 people have been killed in political violence this year. Eidgah Point, Taltola, Satkhira. Photo: Tom Martin

Billal Hossain is a young Imam and member of the local community security working group. Youth will make up 43% of Bangladesh’s population by 2025, but they are increasingly marginalised and feel excluded from decision-making processes. Youths are also vulnerable to being targeted and mobilised for mass violence by political parties, extremists groups and criminal groups. Kachua, Bagerhat. Photo: Tom Martin

Shahidul Islam and his wife Taslima work their land. They have lived in the area their whole lives, but have no evidence that proves legal ownership. When the land was linked to redevelopment by the government to improve water and sanitation after flooding, a local ‘godfather’ claimed the land was legally his. This claim was backed up by the local government administration, although the people living there stress this was due to corruption. Shahidul was left with few options. “My life is very insecure because always there is the threat that the godfather could come and tell us to leave. I have been to the government, but the godfather is linked to the water board and government so what chance do we have?”. Bankdah, Satkhira. Photo: Tom Martin

Colonel Iman Yassin at work. She is head of the Women’s Investigation Unit within Al-Basatieen police station in Aden, the governorate’s only unit of this kind. Yemeni society is highly gender segregated and women make up just 1.7% of Yemen’s police force, with policewomen largely working in administrative jobs. Iman is one of only a handful of female colonels nationwide. Iman’s role is hugely important to communities in Aden, where women experience a range of insecurities, from street harassment to domestic violence and fear of armed gangs. In 2014 a survey by the Yemen Polling Centre indicated that only 5.5% of women would report a crime alone in a police station where no policewomen were present. However, 44.4% would do so if there were a women’s unit such as Iman’s. Al-Basatieen police station, Aden Governorate. Photo: Alex Kay Potter

While the political and security crisis dominates international headlines about Yemen, it is easy to forget the safety concerns that affect the day-to-day lives of Yemenis, with unemployment and increasing poverty and hunger affecting millions across the country. Many young men are heading in from rural areas to the urban centres to find work, often resorting to informal methods of gaining income, such as motorcycle taxis. In Taiz, this increase in young men on motorcycles is worrying for local communities. Apart from being involved in accidents, motorcyclists are often associated with theft and robbery, and are being used to carry out or aid an increasing numbers of political assassinations. However, motorcyclists are often themselves victims, forced by criminals to act on their behalf. Muthafar, The Old City of Taiz, Taiz Governorate. Photo: Alex Kay Potter

Elders discuss the news in the streets of Taiz at breakfast time. But Yemen is a young country, with some 74% of its population under the age of 30. Youth played a key role in the 2011 uprising, mobilised by their disenfranchisement. The 2011 Yemen uprisings led to the Gulf Cooperation Council, a transition initiative that led to the departure of former President Saleh and the start of a national dialogue involving all political actors, including youth. However, with the political upheaval in Yemen in February 2015, meaningful youth integration into the political structures of Yemeni society remains unclear. Taiz. Photo: Alex Kay Potter

Yemen’s population is growing fast – in less than 20 years it will have doubled in size. This rapid rise, coupled with poor water management, means Sana’a is set to be the world’s first capital to run out of water. In communities where there isn’t enough water to go around, this becomes a source of conflict. Instability and political upheaval mean key issues such as water will continue to not be addressed in the short term, potentially leading to conflicts later on. Taiz. Photo: Alex Kay Potter