Security barriers to women's public participation in the Middle East

Taken from our report "It's dangerous to be the first" Security Barriers to women's public participation in Eygpt, Libya and Yemen this executive summary highlights the main findings.

Egypt, Libya and Yemen are in the midst of unpredictable political transitions following the 2011 uprisings. In our latest report we examine the ways in which security concerns associated with this volatile environment impact women’s political participation, as well as the ways in which women’s participation in turn affects their security. Based on consultations with over 400 women and men conducted in late 2012 and early 2013, it presents a situation of considerable flux where widespread politicisation and greater opportunities for women’s activism are accompanied by increased risk and a backlash against women’s rights.

Women’s safety and security concerns

Across all three countries women reported concerns over rising crime, the widespread availability of weapons, and violent conflict over the balance of power between armed groups. In addition, women face targeted violence, encountering harassment, sexual assault, threats of violence, and slander. While politically active men may face similar issues, threats associated with honour and reputation present a particular challenge for women owing to prevailing gender norms and the provisions of the personal status law in each country. Women who are politically active, challenge conservative mores, or become publically visible risk their reputations and sometimes their lives; but at the same time they are also experiencing more vocal support from communities, including from men.

Closely linked to these concerns is the poor security provision provided by the central government in all three countries. Women voiced strong reservations about current security provision, describing their distrust of state security providers, concerns over abuse of power, and low faith in their ability to address women’s security concerns. They viewed poor security provision and abusive providers as central drivers of insecurity responsible for the sharp deterioration in their safety since 2011. Mis- treatment, corruption, ineffective responses, and fears of being blamed or harassed are all reasons why women were unwilling to engage with police. Women took a strong stance on the need for fundamental changes to the way security forces in all three countries operate.

As a result of poor government security provision, women often rely on informal or communal ties. However, they believe that alternative security providers generate their own problems, citing a lack of consistency, conflict between different local security providers, and the fact that they exclude women – and especially those without the ‘right’ tribal, family, or religious affiliation.

Effects on participation

Fear of violence and crime reduces women’s mobility, their ability to mobilise and organise, and decreases their presence in public spaces, while harassment and slander deter activism and running for formal office. Women’s perception that they are insecure has a strong political impact; this perception is being stoked and instrumentalised by established political players as a tool to ward-off challenges from women, further marginalising them. Barriers posed by insecurity coupled with gender insensitive and at times intentionally exclusionary institutions and political parties also mean that women’s safety concerns are not taken into consideration by political party elites, or informal local power-holders. This means that these concerns cannot be addressed by the political process, thus perpetuating them.

Divisions running through the women’s movement along socio-economic, genera- tional and political lines also play a part in entrenching women’s vulnerabilities and complicating access to power and decision-making. Because of class divides, avenues for influence and change identified by women from rural areas remain neglected, and women from these locations are not leveraged as active participants in improving local conditions. Similarly, generational divides mean that older women with more extensive networks and better access to decision-making tended not to be aware of some of the serious security concerns disproportionally affecting younger women, particularly around harassment, sexual assault, and slander. This highlights a broader divergence of generational priorities between the older generation’s search for stability, versus arguments put forward by younger activists that long-term stability can only be achieved by achieving structural change and accepting a measure of upheaval.

Women's responses

Many women have been meeting the security challenges they face head-on. In the face of growing insecurity and particularly harassment and assault, women have established grassroots initiatives to protect themselves and others against threats to their safety. In addition, the on-going transitions have opened up new opportunities for citizens to scrutinise and take part in government policy-making, particularly on security issues, and women have been part of this trend. Since 2011 there have been more women’s groups working specifically on women’s security issues, and groups focusing on women’s political participation have picked up on the growing importance of safety and security concerns as barriers to women’s participation in public life.

Large majorities of respondents in all three countries felt that directly involving women in security provision and increasing the number of women police officers and women in the army would help in addressing women’s security concerns. Yet, in cases where the security forces are politicised, are under orders from political leaders to commit human rights violations, or are simply unaccountable to the law or the population they are intended to serve, much deeper changes are necessary to increase civilian oversight and promote democratic values and human rights. In addition, training and increasing the expertise of security service personnel, as well as improving the availability of medical and psychosocial support services to survivors, are essential.

Recommendations:

Creating a more responsive security sector through reform processes that include women’s perspectives and include women’s specific concerns in setting national and local priorities.

Involving women in security provision, by building on women’s potential contributions in disarmament and linking police and communities, increasing the number of women police officers, and ensuring internal police procedures promote equality.

Increasing opportunities for women to influence decision-making, by making public space safer for women, being aware of barriers they face, and providing gender-sensitive access to formal and informal institutions.

Backing women’s networks and international and regional solidarity, by strengthening women’s alliances and encouraging them to reach out to grassroots constituencies.

Reducing the threat from defamation and slander, by limiting the ability of all actors to threaten or incite violence against women or any other group and by helping the media fact-check stories, exercise due diligence and refrain from libel and defamation.

Read the full report here.

“Many women have been meeting the security challenges they face head-on”

Joshua Rogers